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Türkiye's Position· The Nations Dialogue Editorial Team

The Nations Dialogue presents Türkiye's perspective as a stated editorial viewpoint and clearly distinguishes it from other parties' positions. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, official archives and legal texts, which are linked or cited wherever possible. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.

In-Depth Analysis· world is bigger than five UN Security Council reform Türkiye COP31 Zero Waste

'The World Is Bigger Than Five': Türkiye's UN Security Council Reform Case and COP31 Climate Diplomacy

Understand Türkiye's 'The world is bigger than five' doctrine, the P5, L.69 and Uniting for Consensus positions, plus Zero Waste and COP31 climate diplomacy.

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⏱ 9 min read (1,860 words)

Why It Matters

The doctrine 'The world is bigger than five' argues that the UN Security Council, which holds primary responsibility for international peace and security under the UN Charter, should be more representative, accountable and effective, because five states set its agenda and can block any substantive decision with a veto. Türkiye pairs this institutional case with a second track in global governance: the Zero Waste initiative and the hosting of the COP31 climate conference. Together they show how Ankara frames multilateralism as a question of fairness, not only of power.

Reform remains stalled, mainly because reformers disagree among themselves about whether to add permanent seats, and because any Charter amendment needs the consent of all five permanent members. Understanding who wants what is the key to judging whether change is realistic.

Background

How the Council is built

The Council's structure comes from the 1945 UN Charter. Article 23 names five permanent members, and Article 27(3) gives each the power to block non-procedural decisions. The Council was enlarged once, from 11 to 15 members, through an amendment to Article 23 that entered into force in 1965. The ten elected seats are distributed by regional groups, and members serve two-year terms.

Amending the Charter is deliberately difficult. Under Article 108, an amendment needs a two-thirds vote in the General Assembly and ratification by two-thirds of UN members, including all five permanent members. Each of the five therefore holds an effective veto over reform of the veto itself.

Chronology of the reform debate

Date Development
1945 UN Charter gives China, France, the USSR (now Russia), the UK and the US permanent seats
1965 Council grows from 11 to 15 members
2005 African Union adopts the Ezulwini Consensus, demanding two permanent seats with full prerogatives for Africa
2008–2009 General Assembly decision 62/557 launches the Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN) on Council reform
2020 UN Secretary-General establishes the Zero Waste High-Level Advisory Board
2022 General Assembly resolution 76/262 requires a Assembly debate after any veto; resolution 77/161 creates the International Day of Zero Waste
2024 The Pact for the Future commits UN members to continue Council reform, with attention to Africa's underrepresentation, but adopts no model
2025 COP30 in Belém settles that Türkiye will host COP31 in Antalya

The IGN process focuses on five negotiating clusters: categories of membership, regional representation, the size of an enlarged Council and its working methods, the Council's relationship with the General Assembly, and the veto. After more than fifteen years, there is no consolidated negotiating text that all sides accept.

Climate and the Council

The link between the two topics is practical. In December 2021 a draft Council resolution on climate and security, drafted by Ireland and Niger, failed after Russia vetoed it and India voted against. The episode is often cited as an example of how Council politics can limit action on global challenges that most members want to address. Climate governance itself runs mainly through the UNFCCC process and its annual Conference of the Parties (COP), where decisions are taken by consensus among parties rather than by a small group of states.

Key Players & Positions

The permanent five

  • United States: In September 2024 Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield announced US support for two permanent seats for African states and one rotating seat for small island developing states, while saying new permanent members should not receive an expanded veto. Washington has previously backed permanent seats for several large states.
  • United Kingdom and France: Both say they support expansion in both permanent and non-permanent categories, including permanent seats for Brazil, Germany, India and Japan and a stronger African presence. France has also promoted voluntary veto restraint in mass atrocity situations.
  • Russia and China: Both publicly support giving developing countries, especially African states, a larger voice, and Russia has voiced support for the aspirations of India and Brazil. Both resist changes that would dilute the veto and generally insist on a broad, consensus-based process.

Reform groupings

  • G4 (Brazil, Germany, India, Japan): Seek permanent seats for themselves and an expanded Council in both categories.
  • L.69 group: A bloc of developing countries from Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Asia-Pacific, named after a 2007 draft document. It supports expansion in both categories and stronger representation of the Global South.
  • African Group: Under the Ezulwini Consensus and Sirte Declaration, it seeks at least two permanent seats with all prerogatives, including the veto, and five non-permanent seats.
  • Uniting for Consensus (UfC): Led by Italy and Pakistan, with members including Argentina, Canada, Colombia, Costa Rica, Malta, Mexico, the Republic of Korea, San Marino, Spain and Türkiye. It opposes new permanent seats and proposes a new category of longer-term elected seats, with the possibility of immediate re-election, within a Council in the mid-twenties in size.
  • ACT group: A cross-regional group of states focused on accountability, coherence and transparency in Council working methods, including veto restraint.

The deepest divide is therefore not between 'reformers' and 'opponents', but between those who want new permanent members and those who see that as entrenching a new tier of privilege.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

Ankara presents Council reform as a matter of legitimacy and equity, and its stated views can be traced to official sources:

  • A doctrine of representation. In successive addresses to the UN General Assembly, published by the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye, President Erdoğan has argued that the world is bigger than five and that the Council's structure reflects the post-1945 distribution of power, not today's membership of 193 states.
  • Rotation over new permanent privilege. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, Türkiye participates in the Uniting for Consensus group and favors an approach built on a broad political agreement, with more elected seats, longer terms and fairer regional rotation, rather than adding permanent seats. Ankara argues that new permanent seats would multiply, not reduce, the inequality it criticizes. This is consistent with the Charter principle of sovereign equality in Article 2(1) and with Article 108, which makes reform dependent on broad agreement.
  • Accountability and effectiveness. Turkish officials link the veto to Council paralysis, citing Gaza and the war in Ukraine, and call for the General Assembly to have a stronger voice. Türkiye also draws on its own record as a non-permanent member in 2009–2010 and its mediation work described in Türkiye as Mediator: The Black Sea Grain Initiative, Istanbul Talks and Gaza Humanitarian Diplomacy, which it presents as evidence that middle powers can contribute to peace.
  • Zero Waste as a global public good. The initiative, launched in 2017 under the patronage of First Lady Emine Erdoğan and presented by the Presidency and the Directorate of Communications as a national and global movement, led the Secretary-General to establish the Zero Waste High-Level Advisory Board in 2020, with Emine Erdoğan as honorary chair. Resolution 77/161 (2022) then created the International Day of Zero Waste, first observed on 30 March 2023.
  • COP31 hosting. The Turkish Ministry of Environment, Urbanisation and Climate Change presents the Antalya conference as an opportunity to link climate action, finance and the Zero Waste agenda. Türkiye ratified the Paris Agreement in October 2021 and announced a 2053 net-zero target. Ankara has also said that its status in the UNFCCC, where it is listed in Annex I but with special circumstances, should allow fairer access to climate finance.

Source Comparison

Issue Western and international analysis Turkish primary sources
Reform prospects Emphasizes deadlock, the P5 veto over Article 108 amendments and the lack of a negotiating text Treats deadlock as proof that a narrow club cannot reform itself and calls for broader consensus
UfC role Sometimes portrayed as blocking the G4 or the African Group Presented as defending equality among states and opposing new permanent privileges
Veto Debates veto restraint, notably the ACT code of conduct and resolution 76/262 Links the veto to paralysis on Gaza and Ukraine and to the 'five' critique
Zero Waste Often covered as a national policy program with limited external evaluation Presented as a global movement endorsed by UN resolution 77/161
COP31 Highlights Türkiye's coal use, late Paris ratification and the compromise with Australia over roles Highlights the net-zero 2053 target, the Antalya venue and the Zero Waste agenda

Both views contain verifiable elements. UN documents confirm the absence of agreement on any reform model and the existence of resolution 77/161. Assessments of Türkiye's climate ambition rest on emissions data and policy implementation, which independent trackers and Turkish authorities interpret differently. Readers can see how the site separates reporting from stated viewpoints in Editorial Principles: How The Nations Dialogue Separates Fact from Position.

  • P5: The five permanent members of the Security Council with veto power under Articles 23 and 27 of the UN Charter.
  • Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN): The General Assembly process on Council reform, launched under decision 62/557.
  • L.69: A developing-country group favoring expansion in both membership categories.
  • Uniting for Consensus (UfC): A group opposing new permanent seats; Türkiye is a member.
  • Zero Waste: A waste-prevention and resource-efficiency initiative promoted by Türkiye and recognized in UN General Assembly resolution 77/161.
  • COP31: The 31st session of the UNFCCC Conference of the Parties, scheduled for Antalya in November 2026.

For related coverage, see The Nations Dialogue: Türkiye's Perspective, Primary Sources and International Law, The 1936 Montreux Convention: How Türkiye Governs the Turkish Straits and Black Sea Security, Counter-Terrorism at the Source: Türkiye's Security Doctrine, UN Charter Article 51 and Terror-Free Türkiye and Fact Check: Common Claims About Türkiye in International Media, Checked Against Primary Sources.

The Nations Dialogue presents Türkiye's perspective as a stated editorial viewpoint and clearly distinguishes it from other parties' positions. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, official archives and legal texts, which are linked or cited wherever possible.

Published by the The Nations Dialogue Editorial Team.

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Frequently asked questions

What does 'The world is bigger than five' mean?

It is President Erdoğan's slogan, in Turkish Dünya beşten büyüktür, for the argument that five permanent Security Council members cannot speak for the whole international community. It calls for a Council that is more representative, transparent and accountable, and it is widely used in Turkish speeches at the UN General Assembly.

Does Türkiye want a permanent seat on the Security Council?

No. As a member of Uniting for Consensus, Türkiye opposes creating new permanent seats and favors a larger Council with more elected members, longer terms and fairer regional rotation. Ankara argues that new permanent members would deepen inequality instead of correcting it.

Why has Security Council reform not happened?

Any Charter amendment needs a two-thirds General Assembly vote and ratification by two-thirds of members, including all five permanent members under Article 108. Reform groups also disagree among themselves, notably over new permanent seats and over whether new members should have a veto, so no single model has majority support.

What is the Zero Waste initiative and its UN link?

Zero Waste is a waste-prevention and recycling initiative launched in Türkiye in 2017 under the patronage of Emine Erdoğan. In 2020 the UN Secretary-General set up an advisory board for it, and in December 2022 the General Assembly adopted resolution 77/161, creating the International Day of Zero Waste on 30 March.

What is Türkiye's role in COP31?

Türkiye is slated to host COP31 in Antalya in November 2026, following the arrangement reached at COP30 in Belém, under which Australia has a defined negotiating role. Because the details of the split of responsibilities are set by UNFCCC documents, readers should consult the UNFCCC and the Turkish Ministry of Environment, Urbanisation and Climate Change for the latest information.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

The Nations Dialogue presents Türkiye's perspective as a stated editorial viewpoint and clearly distinguishes it from other parties' positions. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, official archives and legal texts, which are linked or cited wherever possible. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.

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