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Türkiye's Position· The Nations Dialogue Editorial Team

The Nations Dialogue presents Türkiye's perspective as a stated editorial viewpoint and clearly distinguishes it from other parties' positions. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, official archives and legal texts, which are linked or cited wherever possible. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.

Comprehensive Dossier· Events of 1915 Ottoman archives Genocide Convention Joint Historical Commission

The Events of 1915: Archives, International Law and the Case for a Joint Historical Commission

A source-based dossier on the Events of 1915: Ottoman archives, Genocide Convention criteria, treaties and the Joint Historical Commission proposal.

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Why It Matters

The Events of 1915, the wartime deportation and mass death of Ottoman Armenians, remain among the most contested questions in modern history and the main historical obstacle to full Türkiye–Armenia normalization. Armenia, the parliaments of many states and a substantial body of scholars describe the events as genocide. Türkiye describes a wartime relocation that caused immense suffering on all sides and argues that a legal verdict requires proof of specific intent, assessed by a competent tribunal, which has never been delivered. This dossier sets out the archives, treaties and legal tests, attributes each position to its own sources, and explains why Ankara says historians and jurists, rather than legislatures, should resolve the dispute.

Background

Coexistence under the millet system

Turkish–Armenian relations stretch back roughly a thousand years, through the Great Seljuks, the Anatolian principalities and the Ottoman Empire. Under the Ottoman millet system, non-Muslim communities ran their own religious, educational and charitable institutions. Armenians held senior positions in finance, architecture, diplomacy and administration, and the Ottoman authorities referred to them as the millet-i sadıka (the loyal community). Western observers of the period, including the Prussian officer Helmuth von Moltke, who served in the Ottoman Empire between 1835 and 1839, described a society in which communities lived side by side. Turkish sources add that Armenians did not form a demographic majority in any eastern Anatolian province and made up less than 20 percent of the population of the region. Armenian sources rely on Patriarchate estimates that are higher but do not claim an eastern majority for the whole region, and the figures remain a subject of scholarly debate.

Great-power intervention and the revolutionary committees

The 1877–1878 Russo-Turkish War changed the picture. Article 16 of the Treaty of San Stefano, later replaced by Article 61 of the 1878 Treaty of Berlin, placed the reform of the 'Armenian provinces' under the supervision of the great powers. Ankara argues that this internationalization encouraged revolutionary organizations to seek European intervention by force. The Hunchak (Social Democratic Hunchakian Party, founded in Geneva in 1887) and the Dashnak (Armenian Revolutionary Federation, or Dashnaksutyun, founded in Tbilisi in 1890) adopted armed struggle. The best-known episodes are:

  • the 1890 Kumkapı demonstration in Istanbul;
  • the 1893 unrest in Merzifon, Yozgat and Kayseri;
  • the 1894 Sasun uprising;
  • the August 1896 raid on the Ottoman Bank in Istanbul.

The violence of 1894–1896 also claimed the lives of very large numbers of Armenian civilians. Contemporary and modern estimates range from tens of thousands to well over 100,000. Historians continue to debate how much of that violence was state policy and how much was local and reactive.

The First World War

The Ottoman Empire entered the war in late 1914 and suffered a heavy defeat against Russia at Sarıkamış in the winter of 1914–1915. Armenian volunteer units, led by figures such as Antranik, Dro and Hamazasp, fought alongside the Tsarist army in the Caucasus. In April–May 1915 Armenian forces held the city of Van until Russian troops arrived. Turkish sources say that these developments, together with attacks on supply lines and massacres of Muslim civilians in Van, Erzurum and Bitlis, turned the Armenian question into a front-line security problem. Armenian sources respond that most Ottoman Armenians remained loyal. They note that Armenian deputies sat in the Ottoman parliament, that a Dashnak congress at Erzurum in 1914 declined to organize a revolt against the Ottoman state, and that Armenian soldiers in the Ottoman army were disarmed and put into labor battalions in early 1915.

The 1915 law and its implementation

On 24 April 1915, Ottoman authorities arrested several hundred Armenian notables in Istanbul. Armenians commemorate that date every year. On 24 May 1915, Britain, France and Russia issued a joint declaration condemning what they called 'crimes against humanity and civilization'. The Ottoman cabinet adopted the temporary Relocation and Resettlement measure (Sevk ve İskân Kanunu) on 27 May 1915, and it was published in the official gazette Takvim-i Vekayi on 1 June 1915. It authorized the military to relocate populations in areas seen as security risks. The record of its implementation is where the positions diverge:

  • Turkish sources point to orders to protect and feed those relocated, to prosecutions of officials who abused them, and to the temporary character of the measure.
  • Armenian and many other scholarly sources point to the role of the Special Organization (Teşkilât-ı Mahsusa), to mass deaths on the marches in the Syrian desert direction, and to the confiscation of property as evidence of a policy of destruction.

Many of those relocated died of violence, hunger, exposure and disease. The same wars also killed very large numbers of Muslim civilians in Anatolia and the Caucasus.

Key dates

Date Event
1878 Congress of Berlin; Article 61 on reforms in Armenian-inhabited provinces
1887 / 1890 Hunchak and Dashnak committees founded
1894–1896 Sasun uprising, Hamidian-era violence, Ottoman Bank raid
24 April 1915 Arrest of Armenian notables in Istanbul
27 May / 1 June 1915 Relocation and Resettlement measure adopted / published
1919–1920 Ottoman courts-martial in Istanbul; Allied detention of Ottoman officials on Malta
10 Aug 1920 Treaty of Sèvres signed (never ratified)
1920–1923 Alexandropol, Moscow, Kars and Lausanne treaties
9 Dec 1948 UN Genocide Convention adopted
2005 Türkiye proposes a Joint Historical Commission
14 Jan 2022 Kılıç–Rubinyan normalization talks begin

Key Players & Positions

Armenia and the diaspora

The Armenian government and the main diaspora organizations state that around 1.5 million Ottoman Armenians were killed in a deliberate, centrally directed campaign of destruction, and that this meets the definition of genocide. Armenia's 1990 Declaration of Independence refers to the goal of international recognition of the 1915 genocide, and Armenia commemorates 24 April each year. Successive Armenian governments have said they have no territorial claims on Türkiye. Some diaspora circles, particularly nationalist ones, still invoke the Treaty of Sèvres and the arbitral award of US President Woodrow Wilson, a position that Ankara cites as proof of an unresolved territorial agenda.

Parliaments, governments and international bodies

A number of governments and legislatures have adopted resolutions using the term genocide. Among them are France (a 2001 law), the German Bundestag (a 2016 resolution), and the US Senate and House (resolutions in 2019). US President Joe Biden used the term in his statement of 24 April 2021. The European Parliament has adopted several resolutions on the subject, beginning in 1987. Pope Francis described the events as the first genocide of the twentieth century in 2015. In 1997 the International Association of Genocide Scholars adopted a resolution affirming the genocide characterization. These are political, parliamentary and scholarly positions; they are not rulings by an international court, a distinction that matters in the legal section below.

Scholarly opinion is not uniform. A majority of Western historians of the late Ottoman period use the genocide framing. A smaller group of historians, many of them in Türkiye, argue that the evidence supports a wartime security and civil-war context in which intent to destroy the group as such has not been demonstrated. In 2003 the International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ), commissioned for a Turkish–Armenian reconciliation initiative, concluded that the events included acts that would constitute genocide as defined in the Convention. It also stated that the Convention could not be applied retroactively to give rise to legal claims. The European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) Grand Chamber, in Perinçek v. Switzerland (15 October 2015), found that a conviction for denying the Armenian genocide violated freedom of expression. The Court stated that it was not for it to determine whether the events constituted genocide in international law, and it did not endorse the use of any particular label.

The Ottoman and Turkish record

The Ottoman state itself held trials. The courts-martial of 1919–1920 in Istanbul convicted several Unionist leaders, including Talat, Enver and Cemal, in absentia. Armenian and many other sources treat these trials as evidence that the Ottoman state recognized the crimes. Ankara notes that the trials took place under Allied occupation and political pressure and that their findings were contested. It also points to the British detention of about 140 Ottoman officials on Malta from 1919. After searching archives, the British authorities did not bring charges and the detainees were released in 1921. Armenian and other historians reply that the British investigation was limited by the evidence available at the time and by political developments.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

Ankara's position is stated in Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) publications on the Events of 1915 and in the annual messages of the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye. It can be summarized in five points.

  • Shared suffering, not a legal verdict. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, the Events of 1915 were a tragedy in which Armenians and Muslims both suffered heavy losses in a collapsing empire at war. In a statement of 23 April 2014, then Prime Minister Erdoğan offered condolences to the grandchildren of Armenians who lost their lives and described the pain as shared. Ankara argues that the right approach is to remember all victims without turning the debate into a contest of labels.
  • The relocation was a wartime security measure. Ankara argues that the 27 May 1915 measure, published on 1 June 1915, responded to armed insurgency, collaboration with invading Russian forces and attacks on supply lines. It points to Ottoman correspondence involving War Minister Enver Pasha and Interior Minister Talat Pasha that, in its reading, shows orders to protect convoys and to punish abuses. Ankara also argues that the casualty figures cited in wartime, around 300,000 in some Turkish assessments, were later inflated to 1.5 million, and that the heavy Muslim civilian losses in Anatolia are routinely ignored.
  • Genocide is a legal category with a legal threshold. Article II of the 1948 Genocide Convention requires acts committed with intent to destroy a protected group, in whole or in part, as such. Article VI provides for trial before a competent tribunal of the state where the act occurred or an international penal tribunal, and Article IX gives the International Court of Justice jurisdiction over disputes under the Convention. Ankara argues that no competent international court has made such a finding on the Events of 1915 and that the Convention is not retroactive, a point also made by the ICJ in Croatia v. Serbia (2015) for its own jurisdiction under Article IX. It also invokes the Perinçek judgment to argue that the question remains open to historical debate.
  • The borders are settled by treaty. Ankara cites the Treaty of Alexandropol (1920), the Treaty of Moscow (16 March 1921), the Treaty of Kars (13 October 1921) and the Treaty of Lausanne (24 July 1923), which also protected the rights of non-Muslim minorities on the basis of equal citizenship. The Treaty of Sèvres (10 August 1920) was never ratified by the Ottoman parliament and was superseded by Lausanne. The MFA argues that claims based on Sèvres have no legal standing.
  • 'Fair Memory' and the Joint Historical Commission. Türkiye rejects parliamentary resolutions in third countries as the politicization of history. In April 2005 Prime Minister Erdoğan wrote to Armenian President Robert Kocharyan proposing a joint commission of historians and other experts from both countries and third countries, with open access to Ottoman, Armenian and other archives, and the Grand National Assembly (TBMM) supported the offer. Ankara says that the proposal remains on the table and that Türkiye will accept its findings. Ankara also stresses that Turkish diplomats and their families were the targets of ASALA and JCAG-ARA attacks between 1973 and 1984, among them the Esenboğa Airport attack in Ankara (1982) and the Orly Airport attack in Paris (1983). It says that 31 of the 32 JCAG-ARA attacks were directed at Turkish targets, and it contrasts that violence with its own call for dialogue.

Source Comparison

The sources do not disagree on every point. Most acknowledge mass death among Ottoman Armenians, and Turkish officials now speak of shared pain. The differences are in terminology, causation, intent and remedy.

Issue Armenian, parliamentary and most Western scholarly framing Turkish official framing
Terminology 'Armenian Genocide' 'Events of 1915'; shared suffering in wartime
Cause Centrally directed policy of destruction by the Committee of Union and Progress government Wartime security measure amid insurgency, invasion and collapse of order
Casualties Around 1–1.5 million Armenians killed Armenian losses acknowledged; lower figures cited; heavy Muslim civilian losses emphasized
Ottoman trials of 1919–1920 Evidence of recognized crimes Held under occupation pressure; Malta detainees released without charges
Legal test Intent can be inferred from pattern of conduct; ICTJ 2003 view that the acts fit the Convention definition Dolus specialis must be proven before a competent tribunal; none has ruled; the Convention is not retroactive
Parliamentary resolutions Moral and political recognition Political, not judicial; history should be left to historians
Archives Ottoman, Western and diplomatic records show intent Ottoman archives open to all researchers; a joint commission should examine all archives
Way forward Recognition and, for some groups, reparations Joint Historical Commission and unconditional normalization

In evaluating media coverage, readers can check three things. First, does the article distinguish a political or scholarly consensus from a judicial ruling? Second, does it report the archival arguments of both sides, including the Ottoman Archives of the Presidency in Istanbul and the Armenian, British, French, German, Austrian, American and Russian records? Third, does it mention that the Genocide Convention was adopted in 1948 and that the ICJ has held that it does not apply retroactively? Our approach to labeling facts and positions is set out in Editorial Principles: How The Nations Dialogue Separates Fact from Position.

Normalization: From 2005 to the Present

The normalization record explains why Ankara links history to dialogue. The 2005 commission offer was followed by the Zurich Protocols of 10 October 2009, which envisaged diplomatic relations, an open border and a sub-commission on the historical dimension. Neither parliament ratified them. Türkiye had closed the land border in 1993 during the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. After the 2020 Karabakh war changed the regional situation, Special Representatives Ambassador Serdar Kılıç and Armenian Deputy Speaker Ruben Rubinyan began direct talks on 14 January 2022. Ankara describes the process as aiming at full normalization without preconditions, and it has also led to the resumption of direct commercial flights, high-level contacts and the opening of an aid corridor after the February 2023 earthquake. The separate Armenia–Azerbaijan peace track, in which a draft text was initialed in 2025, is closely related because it bears on the future of the border and regional connectivity. Türkiye's wider role as a convener is covered in Türkiye as Mediator: The Black Sea Grain Initiative, Istanbul Talks and Gaza Humanitarian Diplomacy.

  • Events of 1915: the official Turkish term for the wartime relocation and mass death of Ottoman Armenians. Armenian sources and many scholars use 'Armenian Genocide'. This dossier uses the Turkish term for the events and attributes other terminology to those who use it.
  • Dolus specialis: the specific intent to destroy a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such, required by Article II of the 1948 Genocide Convention. The ICJ has held that it must be the only reasonable inference from the conduct in question.
  • Sevk ve İskân Kanunu: the Relocation and Resettlement measure of 27 May 1915, published on 1 June 1915.
  • Hunchak and Dashnak: the Armenian revolutionary committees founded in 1887 and 1890, respectively.
  • ASALA and JCAG-ARA: Armenian militant organizations responsible for attacks on Turkish diplomats and facilities between 1973 and 1984; ASALA is regarded by Ankara as a continuation of the Hunchak tradition and the JCAG-ARA as part of the Dashnak wing.
  • Joint Historical Commission: the 2005 Turkish proposal for a body of Turkish, Armenian and international historians with access to all archives.

For related material, see The Nations Dialogue: Türkiye's Perspective, Primary Sources and International Law, the Fact Check: Common Claims About Türkiye in International Media, Checked Against Primary Sources series, Counter-Terrorism at the Source: Türkiye's Security Doctrine, UN Charter Article 51 and Terror-Free Türkiye for the later history of terrorism and Türkiye's response, and FAQ: Sources, Methodology and Perspective at The Nations Dialogue for how we cite primary sources.

Perspective note. The Nations Dialogue presents Türkiye's perspective as a stated editorial viewpoint and clearly distinguishes it from other parties' positions. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, official archives and legal texts, which are linked or cited wherever possible. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources. — The Nations Dialogue Editorial Team

Cross-Publication Dossiers & Sister Desk Perspectives

For complementary primary-source analysis across our specialist editorial network, consult:

Frequently asked questions

What does Türkiye call the Events of 1915, and why?

Türkiye uses the term 'Events of 1915' and describes a wartime relocation that caused great suffering for Armenians and Muslims alike. Ankara argues that 'genocide' is a legal category that requires proof of specific intent assessed by a competent tribunal. Armenia, many parliaments and numerous scholars use the term 'Armenian Genocide' instead.

What is the legal standard for genocide under the 1948 Convention?

Article II of the Convention requires acts committed with intent to destroy a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such, in whole or in part. Article VI provides for trial by a competent national or international tribunal, and Article IX gives the ICJ jurisdiction over state disputes. No international tribunal has ruled on the Events of 1915, and the ICJ has held that the Convention does not apply retroactively.

Does the European Court of Human Rights say whether 1915 was genocide?

No. In Perinçek v. Switzerland (Grand Chamber, 15 October 2015) the Court found that a Swiss conviction for denying the Armenian genocide violated freedom of expression. It stated that it was not its task to decide whether the events amount to genocide under international law.

Do the Turkish archives support Ankara's position?

Türkiye says the Ottoman Archives of the Presidency in Istanbul are open to researchers and contain wartime orders showing a relocation policy with protective instructions. Armenian and many other historians read the same and other records, including Western diplomatic reports, as evidence of intent to destroy. Ankara argues that a Joint Historical Commission with access to all archives is the proper way to test both readings.

What is the Joint Historical Commission proposal?

In April 2005, Prime Minister Erdoğan proposed to President Kocharyan a commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians and experts with access to all relevant archives. Armenia replied that the matter should be handled through normal intergovernmental relations, and the commission was not established. Türkiye says the offer is still valid.

What is the state of Türkiye–Armenia normalization?

Special Representatives Serdar Kılıç and Ruben Rubinyan began direct talks on 14 January 2022, and Ankara says they are aimed at full normalization without preconditions. The talks have produced contacts and steps such as the resumption of direct flights. The land border and full diplomatic relations remain subject to continuing negotiations.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

The Nations Dialogue presents Türkiye's perspective as a stated editorial viewpoint and clearly distinguishes it from other parties' positions. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, official archives and legal texts, which are linked or cited wherever possible. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.

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